Rastafarianism in Jamaica

Seldom has such a relatively small cultural phenomenon as Rastafari attracted so much attention from young people, the media, and scholars in the fields of religion, anthropology, politics, and sociology. The signature long, natty dreads on the heads of Rastafarians, who fearlessly chant down Babylon (Western political and economic domination and cultural imperialism) with the help of reggae music, make Rastafari a highly visible movement and "one of the most powerful cultural forces among youths in Jamaica" and in countries around the world where one least expects to find elements of Afro-Caribbean culture. Between the 1930s and the 1950s, few people bothered to study the significance of the political and ideological concepts in Rastafarian culture. Even Jamaicans who may have understood the philosophy of the movement regarded Rastafari as another passing fad, which would die a natural death once the novelty wore off. Former Rastafarian and practicing psychologist Leahcim Tefani Semaj noted that during this phase of the movement, the dominant public opinion toward the Rastafarians was "The damn Rasta dem, wey de Rasta dem want, we just put dem in a damn boat and put dem out in the sea and sink the boat-say dem want go Africa!"

Prior to the 1970s, images of the unsanitary-looking, marijuana-smoking "Natty Dread" with unkempt dreadlocks, often controlling crime-infested streets of Kingston, New York City, or London were the most common perceptions of Rastafarian culture. These stereotypes still persist today among some people in the Caribbean, the United States, and Great Britain. Since the early 1970s, however, Rastafari (the movement's self-styled name) has been recognized not only as one of the most popular Afro-Caribbean religions of the late twentieth century, gaining even more popularity than Voodoo, but also as one of the leading cultural trends in the world; as such, it demands attention from those who study the religions of people who live at the economic and political margins of Western society. A June 1997 estimate puts the number of practicing Rastafarians worldwide at one million with more than twice that number of sympathizers and many million more reggae fans. Given its humble beginnings and the unfriendly climate in which Rastafari was born, none of its founders could have dreamed of such international exposure and acceptance.

What is it about this movement-developing in the slums of West Kingston, Jamaica- that makes it so appealing to people of very different nationalities, ethnic backgrounds, socioeconomic standings, and academic interests? Rastafari has invited myriad questions in popular culture and the academy, especially as part of the recent surge of interest in this once "insignificant" twentieth-century phenomenon. Among the issues addressed herein are the basic doctrinal beliefs of Rastafarians and how they differ from Christian beliefs; why Rastafarians are so hostile to Christianity but so dependent on Christian traditions in developing their ideology, teachings, and cultic practices; whether a relationship exists between Rastafari and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and how African Rastafari is; what inspired Rastas in the first place to make Haile Selassie such a towering figure and deity in the movement, and whether his divinity and kingship are still central to Rastafarian thought; what the role of women is in this overtly patriarchal and "chauvinist" movement; whether the Rastafarians are a religious group or a political organization, dopers supporting (or running) drug cartels under the guise of religion or authentic religious devotees; whether Rastas are anti-white prophets, preaching a doctrine of reverse racism and hate in society, or social critics; and what it means for Rastas to "chant down Babylon," and who or what Babylon is.

In Chanting Down Babylon, we use the terms Rastafari, Rastafarians, and Rastas synonymously. The nomenclature Rastafari, with or without the definite article, describes the movement as a collective whole, and the combined expression "Jah Ras Tafari" refers specifically to Emperor Haile Selassie I, the deity. Rastas often replace the title Jah with Rastafari, a designation coined by the early founders of the movement (especially Leonard Howell), who recognized Emperor Haile Selassie I-Ras Tafari, an imperial title used by Ethiopian emperors- as divine. Rastas often argue that every true black person is "Rasta, " a category that suggests unity and connectedness to Africa rather than cultic or religious affiliation. Seretha Rycenssa of Jamaica defined a "true Rasta" as one who "believes in the deity of the Ethiopian monarch . . . , sees black liberationist Marcus Mosiah Garvey as his prophet . . . , sticks to [his] path, does not shave, cut or straighten the hair, rejects the customs of 'Babylon' society," and "looks on his blackness and sees that it is good and struggles to preserve it." Not included among these, of course, are persons whom Rex Nettleford calls "designer dreads"-middle-class youths and yuppies who adopt the dreadlocks hairstyle, carry a "ragamuffin" appearance, and listen to reggae music but have no commitment to the teachings of Rastafari. Nor do the brethren (Rastafarians) regard as true Rastas persons they call "wolves in sheep's clothing" or "rascals" and "impostors"-unsavory characters who hide behind "the locks" (dreadlocks) and "Rasta looks" (Rasta appearance) in order to commit crime and smoke marijuana. Rastas or Rastafarians are, therefore, followers of Ras Tafari or persons who believe in the Rastafari ideology.

http://www.globalexchange.org/country/jamaica/rasta